Buchman had known by early 1934 that he could not work in Germany in the same way as elsewhere. House-parties were spied upon, and large public demonstrations like those in the democratic countries were impossible. He counted upon such events in other countries having some effect upon German leaders, and ensured that news of them reached the highest possible quarters in Berlin. He also relied on the written word - sixteen books and booklets were published in Germany in the early 1930s - as well as on his speeches. At the same time, he had not given up the hope of reaching the leaders of Germany personally.

In September 1934 Moni von Cramon was invited by Himmler to the Nazi Party rally at Nuremberg, and arranged for Buchman and a few of his team to be invited too. Some months before, she had found herself one evening unexpectedly sitting next to Himmler at a dinner, and Himmler's questions had once again been about how the guidance of God worked out in her life. Feeling that 'such a chance God gives only once', she had told him in detail what a drastic change in her living and thinking it had entailed for her and had emphasised 'the significance for individuals, nations and the whole world, if God's plan were to be fulfilled'. He had listened quietly. Now, at Nuremberg, she and Buchman sat next to Himmler at an informal lunch. Their talk was once more about seeking the guidance of God, and Buchman spoke of the moral and spiritual pre-conditions involved. In the middle of the meal, Frau von Cramon was called to the telephone. It was her son to tell her of the death of her divorced husband. She returned to the table much distressed because, although her husband had been legally the guilty party, she had by now realised the part her self-righteousness had played in breaking up the marriage. She told Himmler this. 'If only you could hate this man who broke loyalty with you, you would not suffer so much,' he said.

''This brought us back to talking about God's absolute demands,' Frau von Cramon recalled. Then lunch broke up. Buchman's comment at this time was, 'We should have a greater commitment than these fellows.'


Moni von Cramon reported the profound shock which the 'night of the long knives' of June 1934 - when the leaders of the storm-troopers and many of his non-Nazi opponents were eliminated by Hitler - had been to Buchman. 'It took a lot to win him back to any hope for Germany,' she told Hans Stroh. At Oxford house-parties Buchman did not encourage speeches either for or against Germany. This Stroh appreciated. 'We were surprised to find Christians abroad who did not automatically condemn all Germans,' he recalls. 'The diagnosis was the same, but their attitude was different. But our problem back in Germany remained - and I had been aware of it long before meeting Buchman: how to be faith-full and yet sober and realistic, how to keep the distinction between faith for the destiny of a changed Germany and a sober diagnosis of the moral and political reality of the situation.'

In the following year, 1935, Himmler telegraphed to Frau von Cramon from Berlin: 'I expect you on Tuesday at ten o'clock.'

'Mother was very ill,' recalls her daughter, Rosie Haver. 'She had been with Buchman to Norway and then in hospital in Denmark, where they thought - wrongly, as it happened - that she had a brain tumour. She had just been brought home when she got Himmler's telegram. She decided she had no choice but to go, and handed over responsibility for us children to her brother. Before leaving she made her will. She did not think she would return.'

'My brother wanted me to refuse to go,' wrote Frau von Cramon. 'I trembled at what might happen, but I remembered the commission which God had given me to bring a message to the leaders of Germany.'

At the SS headquarters in Prinz Albrechtstrasse, she was kept waiting alone in a room lit only by a window near the ceiling from ten in the morning till seven at night. She thought that either concentration camp or death awaited her. Then, at seven, Himmler came in with his ADC, SS-Obergruppenführer Karl Wolff.

'So you are going to arrest me? Am I going into a concentration camp?' she asked.

'My ADC will take you in my car. The driver knows where,' replied Himmler.

'Where am I being taken?' Frau von Cramon asked Wolff in the car.

'I am not authorised to tell you,' he replied.

In the dark, the car stopped in front of a house guarded by SS men. Out stepped an unknown woman.

'I'm Frau von Cramon. Who are you?'

'I'm Frau Himmler. Didn't my husband tell you? You are to be our guest for a few days.'

It was Whitsun. The first two days passed as though it were an ordinary visit, including party games in the evening. On the third day, Himmler said to Frau von Cramon, 'I wanted to test you,' and offered her the job of initiating social welfare work among their women and children.

Frau von Cramon declined, saying that she was, in Himmler's eyes, three unforgivable things - she was not a member of the National Socialist Party, she was an aristocrat and she was a Christian. Himmler brushed aside these objections. Finally she said, 'I can't give you a definite reply yet, because I am working with Buchman's team, and I wouldn't take any step without letting him know about it.'


Himmler looked perplexed. 'Are you so tied up with this foreigner and his group?'

She replied, 'Yes. I have accepted the total claim of God on my life, and it was these people who showed me the way to that.'

'Well,' said Himmler, 'as far as I am concerned you can ask them.'

During these conversations Himmler, who had been brought up a Catholic, said to her, 'Tell me, who is Christ?' He maintained it was 'Jewish' to push off on to others the responsibility for one's sins. 'I do not need Christ,' he said.

She asked, 'What are you going to do about your sins which no one can take from you and which you cannot put right?'

He replied, 'As an Aryan I must have the courage to take the responsibility for my sins alone.'

She said, 'You cannot do that, because your disobedience to God is robbing Germany of the plan He has for her.'

He concluded, 'I can do without Christ because Christ means the Church and my Church has excommunicated me.' Several times he came back to this topic.

Moni von Cramon did not like Himmler's offer. She and all her family distrusted Hitler. But she continued to feel that it was her duty to maintain contact with the leaders of Germany so that perhaps some of them might change, as she had changed. That, she thought, was the only hope of averting disaster.

After consulting with Buchman, Frau von Cramon agreed to do what she could for the German women, stipulating that she would on no account compromise the basic convictions of her faith or her freedom of operation. This was conceded; but she was speedily neutralised by others in the organisation. She functioned in name for eighteen months, in fact - due to illness - for five months, and exercised some influence in restraining hotheads, but was removed when her enemies found that she had warned an Oxford Group friend who was helping Jews in Berlin. After that she never saw Himmler again. She was finally dismissed when, during an investigation by Frau Scholz-Klink, the national head of the Nazi women, she refused to take the oath of total obedience to the Party.

Buchman used the brief breathing-space provided by the Gestapo's knowledge that he had a friend at Himmler's court to express his message through local meetings, conducted under the eyes of police agents, and through the printed word. As late as 20 May 1937 the North West headquarters of the Gestapo reported that 'the Group is beginning to spread effectively through Germany and is trying, apparently with success, to gain influence in Party circles' and stated that 'the Reichsführer SS has ordered the maintenance of the strictest observation of the movement'.1


Buchman was staking his life's work and such reputation as he had on an attempt to present Germany with an alternative to Nazism. He made this the theme of his call to Europe from Kronborg in Denmark, a call delivered that same Whitsun when Frau von Cramon was staying, half-guest, half-prisoner, at the Himmlers' home: 'There must come a spiritual dynamic which will change human nature and remake men and nations. There must come a spiritual authority which will be accepted everywhere by everyone. Only so will order come out of chaos in national and international affairs... Some nation must produce a new leadership, free from the bondage of fear, rising above ambition, and flexible to the direction of God's Holy Spirit. Such a nation will be at peace within herself, and a peacemaker in the international family. Will it be your nation?'

This speech was broadcast in several countries, but refused by the German Propaganda Ministry. Buchman knew he would have to find other ways of getting a hearing in Germany.

During the Oxford house-party in the summer of 1935 Buchman seemed uncertain what to do in Germany. He told Hans Stroh he 'feared that Himmler had closed his heart'. Whether Himmler's heart had ever been open - or whether, as was certainly the case later, he merely wanted to use Buchman and his colleagues for his own ends - was harder to assess then than it is to assume now. Buchman knew that Himmler was a lapsed Catholic - in youth he had been an altar boy - and hoped that some remnant of unease at lost faith still lurked in him. On 19 November 1935 Berlingske Tidende of Copenhagen printed Himmler's photograph with the headline 'Nazi confesses his faith in living God', and other papers reported that Frau Himmler had been influenced by the Oxford Group. 'Frank always realised what it would mean for the world if Himmler were to be changed,' Frau von Cramon writes; and Buchman said at the time, 'People will say I'm pro-Nazi if I pursue this, but I am not worried.'

In August 1935 he was once again invited to Nuremberg through Frau von Cramon. He took the Oxford theologian, Dr B. H. Streeter, with him.

This was the first Nuremberg Rally in which detachments of the German Army took part, and Buchman and Streeter were struck, as was every visitor, by the massive mobilisation it represented. 'Frank Buchman,' said Frau von Cramon, 'constantly spoke to me about his growing concern at the military development. He said several times that he felt Himmler had, as his power grew, lost any interest in the Group's message.' He also felt a tenser atmosphere surrounding his own work. It came to light that a Dutch girl who had attended some Oxford Group meetings had fallen for an SS officer and made allegations which supported those in the Gestapo who looked on the Oxford Group as a super-subtle spy network of the democracies. This made Buchman apprehensive for his German team, as well as rendering his own task more difficult.


In 1936, the year of the occupation of the Rhineland and of the Berlin Olympic Games, criticisms of Buchman's work began to appear in Nazi publications. In February, General Ludendorff’s extremist newspaper Aryan lined up the Oxford Group as one of the 'sinister international forces which wage constant underground war against Germany'.2Berlingske Aftenavis of Copenhagen added, 'His (Ludendorff’s) last issue contained the most fearful curses against the movement. He has discovered that the Oxford Group together with the Jews, the Freemasons, the Pope and the League of Nations constitutes a supernatural power which wants to kill the German spirit.'3 In February, too, the principal article in the confidential paper issued by the ideologist of the Nazi Party, Alfred Rosenberg, was an indictment of the Group Movement in Germany,4 and on 21 July the Bavarian Political Police ordered all police authorities to send reports on the strength and composition of the Groups in their districts within two weeks.5 Later, Rosenberg described the movement as 'a second world-wide Freemasonry'.6 Time was obviously running out.

In April 1936 Countess Ursula Bentinck wrote to Buchman on his return from America, 'I want you to know that I and others feel it is high time you went to see Hitler ... I cannot write more.'7 On the back of the letter Buchman wrote, 'There is enough power in the Cross to solve the world's problems, but we Christians have not used it. A vital experience backed by national and international action would startle the world - not in old moulds but in new thought.'

Influential people in Britain and America were also urging him - some tauntingly, some seriously - to see Hitler. With some the attitude was: 'Don't bother us. We're all right. It's Hitler you need to change!' Others, while seeing the difficulties, genuinely thought he might pull something off.

Buchman went to the Olympic Games in August. When he reached Berlin, Moni von Cramon arranged for him to be invited to a lunch party with Himmler at which the hosts were a German diplomat and his wife. Buchman's objective was to get an interview where he could talk more directly to Himmler and through him reach Hitler. He got his appointment for a couple of days later.

By chance an independent witness to the purpose and outcome of this meeting presented himself twenty-six years afterwards. A Danish journalist in Berlin, Jacob Kronika,* wrote in the paper he then edited, the Flensborg Avis:

(* Kronika was the Berlin correspondent of Nationaltidende, Copenhagen, and Svenska Dagbladet, Stockholm, and was Chairman of the Association of Foreign Journalists in Berlin during the war. He was also the spokesman of the Danish minority in South Schleswig vis à vis the German Government (see his book Berlins Untergang (H. Hagerup.)


'During the Hitler years Frank Buchman stayed at the Hotel Esplanade in Berlin. One day we ate lunch together. In the afternoon he was to have a conversation with the SS Chief Himmler, who had invited Dr Buchman to come and see him.

'The conversation, of course, became a complete fiasco. Himmler could not, as he intended, exploit the "absolute obedience" of the MRA* people towards God for the benefit of the obedient slaves of the SS and the Nazis.

(* The abbreviation of Moral Re-Armament, the name by which Buchman's work became known from 1938 on.)

'Frank Buchman was then much burdened by the development in Germany under Hitler, for he was deeply attached to this land and this people.

'He said during the meal at the Esplanade in Berlin, "Germany has come under the dominion of a terrible demoniac force. A counter-action is urgent. We must ask God for guidance and strength to start an anti-demoniac counter-action under the sign of the Cross of Christ in the democratic countries bordering on Germany, especially in the small neighbouring countries."

'But the Hitler demonism had to spend its rage. Neither Frank Buchman nor any other person could prevent that.'8

Confirmation of this account has come from a number of younger colleagues who went with Buchman to the interview. According to them, Himmler came in with some of his henchmen, gave a propagandist account of Nazism and left, without giving Buchman or his friends a chance to speak. Buchman's immediate comment was, 'Here are devilish forces at work. We can't do anything here.' In fact, he never did meet Hitler, nor did he attempt to do so thereafter.

Within three months of Buchman's interview with Himmler, in November 1936, the Central Security Office of the Gestapo produced the first official document warning their network against the Oxford Group as 'a new and dangerous opponent of National Socialism'. The operative portion of the document ordered the intelligence service to give the closest attention to the work, tendency and influence of the movement, and in particular to infiltrate every gathering and team meeting, to watch the productions of the Leopold Klotz Verlag of Gotha - a firm which had published Oxford Group books and pamphlets - ascertaining who received the firm's literature, and to find out which men and women in public life were interested in the ideas of the Oxford Group.9

Buchman sailed for America on 19 August. Arriving in New York he held a press conference at Calvary House, from which a number of journalists sent off routine stories. The reporter of the afternoon paper, the New York World-Telegram, arrived late and asked for a special interview. With several of his colleagues in the room, Buchman answered the reporter's questions. Those present were amazed next afternoon to read the front-page banner headline and the lead paragraphs of the story in the paper:10



'To Dr Frank Nathan Daniel Buchman, vigorous, outspoken, 58-year-old leader of the revivalist Oxford Group, the Fascist dictatorship of Europe suggests infinite possibilities for remaking the world and putting it under "God Control".

'"I thank heaven for a man like Adolf Hitler, who built a front line of defense against the anti-Christ of Communism," he said today in his book-lined office in the annexe of Calvary Church, Fourth Ave and 21st St.

'"My barber in London told me Hitler saved Europe from Communism. That's how he felt. Of course, I don't condone everything the Nazis do. Anti-Semitism? Bad, naturally. I suppose Hitler sees a Karl Marx in every Jew.

‘"But think what it would mean to the world if Hitler surrendered to the control of God."'

The remainder of the interview, extending to a further twenty-two paragraphs, contained a sketch of what Buchman considered a God- controlled country might look like and his assertion that God could make his will known to any man. 'The world won't listen to God, but God has a plan for every person, every nation. Human ingenuity is not enough. That is why the 'isms are pitted against each other and blood flows.'

Finally, speaking directly to the reporter - for his aim in a press interview was always to offer his deepest experience of change to the reporter as well as to answer his questions - he spent much of the time in telling of his own experience of the Cross of Christ, a Power strong enough to remove hatred from his own life, and so, he believed, to change anyone and control even a dictator.

The legend of this interview which survives - and has been quoted again and again - is that Buchman said, 'Thank God for Hitler.' This phrase was not Buchman's nor printed in the article, nor, according to those present, did it represent the tenor of the interview. For example, Garrett Stearly states, 'I was present at the interview. I was amazed when the story came out. It was so out of key with the interview. This had started with an account of the Oxford Group's work in Europe. Buchman was asked what about Germany. He said that Germany needed a new Christian spirit, yet one had to face the fact that Hitler had been a bulwark against Communism there - and you could at least thank heaven for that. It was a throw-away line. No eulogy of Hitler at all.'


I arrived in New York from Europe on the following day when the paper was on the streets, and lunched with the reporter, William Birnie, the day after. While gleeful, as was natural in any young journalist recently imported from a small country town who found his story leading the paper, Birnie seemed a good deal surprised at its editorial treatment. Thirty years later, when Bimie was a senior editor of the Reader's Digest, he told a visitor that he was always 'proud of his interviewee' for not haggling over the interview as printed, which he had expected him to do. 'My memory of our talk is that he was not endorsing or condemning Hitler,' he said.11

Buchman's statements were probably condensed or highlighted in the editorial process. It is, however, clear that Buchman said something to the effect that we could be grateful that Hitler had turned back Communism in Germany. Stroh recalls, 'In the summer of 1934, at the Oxford house-party, Buchman gathered all the Germans present together and told us that the greatest danger to the world was that materialism was undermining society. National Socialism had built a temporary wall against Communism, but that was not enough. The real problem was that people were not guided by God. People in Germany needed to change if they were to give inspiration to the world.'

Buchman refused, at the time as later, to be drawn into further public comment, which he believed would only lead to more newspaper controversy and endanger his friends already facing difficulties in Germany. Nor did he ever yield to the frequent demands that he should denounce Hitler. In fact, he never denounced anyone in public, even his most virulent personal defamers.

To a few friends, he made one comment some time in 1937: 'I have been much criticised because I said, "A God-controlled dictator could change the position in a country overnight." That doesn't mean in any sense when I made that statement that I identify myself with and approve of that dictator. I cannot deny the possibility of change in any man.'

Also, on 7 March 1940, Buchman's secretary noted in his diary that Buchman said to a group of friends, 'Hitler fooled me. I thought it would be a bulwark against Communism.'12

This admission is a long way from justifying the charges of pro-Nazism so frequently levelled against him. In the same month as Buchman's press interview, Lloyd George described Hitler as 'the George Washington of Germany',13 and over two years later Winston Churchill wrote, 'I have always said that if Britain were defeated in war, I hope we would find a Hitler to lead us back to our rightful place among the nations.'14

No democrat in the 1920s and 1930s, if he thought at all, wanted to see the whole of Europe from the Urals to the Rhine united under the single totalitarian ideology of Communism, which was, right up to the time that Hitler took over, a likely scenario. Buchman, with many others, feared that this would take place, and in the early Hitler years he saw Communism, avowedly based on atheism and the suppression of religion, as the more dangerous force. In later years, too, he considered Communism, with its power to capture the allegiance of people in every land, as the more universal and long-term threat. He hoped that Hitler would be a temporary bulwark; but he knew that Hitler's fundamental need was to become transformed by an experience of Jesus Christ, and this he had tried with unflagging faith, optimism, naivety - call it what you will - to bring about.


Following the document circulated from Himmler's headquarters in November 1936 the net around the Oxford Group in Germany was systematically tightened. In July 1937 the Gestapo in South-West Germany made official the measures for surveillance of the Oxford Group, its contacts, telephones and travels.15 At the same time Himmler informed Count John Bentinck that he had definite proof that the Oxford Group comprised a spy organisation. He demanded that Germans in the movement should cut all links with Buchman, but gave Bentinck permission to travel to Utrecht, where Buchman was holding a Dutch demonstration, to inform him personally. Bentinck stayed only two days, in order to show Himmler that he had obeyed.

Stroh, who had travelled up to Utrecht with Buchman, found him deeply concerned for his friends in Germany. Buchman told Stroh that he felt the Germans must now find their own way unassisted. 'He left us completely free, refusing to advise us what to do. He gave me some papers for Bishops Wurm and Meiser and some sandwiches for the journey. We did not see him again till 1946.'

Buchman had had very little contact with Moni von Cramon during this period. But early in 1938 he asked if she could come to Esbjerg in Denmark. Her daughter went with her, and describes the occasion: 'We met Frank on the ship sailing to England. He said to us, "War is coming, and we won't see each other for a very long time. You will go through hard times, but never forget, we are not alone." We knelt down and prayed, then we went back down to the quay and the ship went out, and Frank stood on the deck and made the sign of the Cross for us and for Europe, and that was the last we saw of him.' Frau von Cramon's son never returned from Stalingrad, and her son-in-law, Carl Ernst Rahtgens, a nephew of Field-Marshal von Kluge, was executed on Hitler's orders after the 'Generals' Plot'.

During the war the movement in Germany divided into three portions - some, like Bentinck, submitted to Himmler's demands; the majority, under a different name, Arbeitsgemeinschaft für Seelsorge* carried on the work of changing people, without becoming involved in politics and always subject to surveillance; a third group could not accept either alternative. Some of these joined the active opposition.

(* Working Team for the Care of Souls.)


Buchman continued to visit Germany privately during 1937 and the spring of 1938, centring in places like Freudenstadt and Garmisch- Partenkirchen. During this period he made particular use of the German edition of the world-wide pictorial magazine, Rising Tide (Steigende Flut), which had been banned by the Propaganda Ministry16 but which was smuggled in, mainly by car. He wrote to friends that a Party leader had taken fifty copies, a postman was distributing it and another friend had ordered sixty-six. Bentinck wrote protesting that his 'action with Steigende Flut has done great harm',17 but Buchman seemed unimpressed. 'Thank the Lord for R.T.,' he replied. 'What a lot of good it has released. You find its influence everywhere.'18

In 1939 the Gestapo compiled the 126-page report, Die Oxfordgruppen-bewegung, in which they stated that the Oxford Group was 'the pace-maker of Anglo-American diplomacy'. 'The Group as a whole', the document stated, 'constitutes an attack upon the nationalism of the state and demands the utmost watchfulness on the part of the state. It preaches revolution against the national state and has quite evidently become its Christian opponent.' It reproduced precisely those arguments against the Christian conceptions of sin and forgiveness which Himmler had used in his talks with Frau von Cramon. This report was circulated by the Gestapo headquarters in 1942 for official use.19 In this year also the German Army forbade all officers to have anything to do with the Oxford Group under any name.20 Those who persisted were restricted to front-line units. Many civilians who had worked with the Oxford Group were put in concentration camps.

At an inquiry into the work of the Oxford Group in Germany the Chief of Security in North Württemberg, Reinhold Bässler, said to some of its members, 'We have no fear of the churches. We take the young people from them and leave them to die out. But you are changing our best young people. You do not engage in abuse, but you are winning the idealists. That makes you the most dangerous enemies of the state.' 21

A chapter in the 1942 document on the work of the Oxford Group in Germany says that it had been at work there since 1933 but with the greatest caution: 'For tactical reasons, great meetings of the kind that have taken place in other countries have been avoided. The work has been carried forward in conscious secrecy, and public debate has been avoided as much as possible. Even the postal services have been avoided in sending out messages or invitations. Cipher letters have been used.'22


The document adds, 'The Oxford Group preaches the equality of all men ... No other Christian movement has underlined so strongly the character of Christianity as being supernational and independent of all racial barriers ... It tries fanatically to make all men into brothers.'23

Had Hitler been successful in his invasion of Britain, his instructions were that the Oxford Group headquarters in London were to be taken over 'as being used by the British Intelligence Service'. Secret orders to this effect were discovered in Berlin and reported by the Press Association and the BBC on 19 September 1945. 'Moral Re-Armament', the orders stated, 'was used by English politicians for anti-German propaganda. Through this the Oxford Group Movement showed itself more clearly than ever to be a political power and the instrument of English diplomacy.'24

When the Dutch Nazis came to suppress the Oxford Group in Holland, they showed plainly that they had understood and were wholly opposed to Buchman's message and strategy for Europe: 'After 1933, when it became more and more evident that the National Socialist revolution of Adolf Hitler was bound to work its way beyond its borders and capture all the Germanic peoples, there was infused into those Germanic peoples a movement aiming to frustrate the German revolution in advance, while breeding an anti-German, universal spirit of love for mankind. This was the Oxford Group, founded and led by the English Jew Frank N. D. Buchman. We all remember the disgusting un-Germanic Oxford demonstration held in our country a few years ago.* It is an eloquent fact that all the world leaders who were anti-National Socialist and against all Germans have adhered to and supported the Oxford Group.'25 The exaggeration is considerable, but the hostility undoubted.

(* Six-pp. 257-8.)


 1 Secret instructions from the head of the Security Service (Sicherheitsdienst), NW Germany (Hamburg, Kiel, Bremen and Braunschweig), 20 May 1937. Further secret instructions warning against Oxford Group infiltration of the Party were issued on 3 December 1937 and 4 March 1938.

 2 Daily Telegraph, 24 February 1936.

 3 Berlingske Aftenavis, 25 February 1936.

 4 Original in Bundesarchiv, Koblenz, dated 26 February 1936.

 5 Original in Document Centre, Berlin.

 6 Rosenberg: Protestantische Rompilger (Munich 1937), p. 69.

 7 Ursula Bentinck to Buchman, April 1936 (Martin MSS).

 8 Flensborg Avis,2 January 1962.

 9 Leitheft Die Oxford- oder Gruppenbewegung, herausgegeben vom Sicherheitshauptamt, November 1936. Geheim, Numeriertes Exemplar No.1.

10 New York World-Telegram, 25 August 1936.

11 Hunter, pp. 29-33.

12 Martin diaries, 7 March 1940.

13 Daily Express, 17 September 1936.

14 The Times, 7 November 1938.

15 Sicherheitsdienst RPSS, Oberabschnitt Süd-West, Stuttgart, 18 July 1937.

16 Order of 26 February 1938.

17 Count John Bentinck to Buchman, 12 May 1938.

18 Buchman to Count John Bentinck, 14 May 1938.

19 Die Oxford-Gruppenbewegung, gedruckt im Reichssicherheitshauptamt, 1942, pp. 124-5.

20 Heeresverordnungsblatt, 21 October 1942

21 Siegfriend Ernst: Dein ist dasReich (Christiania Verlag, 1982), p. 138

22 Die Oxford-Gruppenbewegung, pp. 90-91

23 ibid., p.59.

24 Press Association wire, 19 September 1945; see also Manchester Guardian, 18 September 1945; Daily Telegraph, 20 November 1945.

25 Het Nieuwe Volk (National Socialist), 10 May 1941.